Friday, January 24, 2020

Smoking and Cancer :: Argumentative Persuasive Example Essays

Perceived Risks of Heart Disease and Cancer Among Cigarette Smokers   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Cigarette smoking causes more preventable deaths from cancer than any other modifiable risk factor. Smokers who stop smoking increase the length of their lives substantially and reduce their risk of heart attack and cancer. However, many smokers still discount the increased risk they fact with continuing smoking. They are discounting their physician’s advice by being too optimistic that their chances of getting a life-threatening disease will be nil. There was a survey in 1995 of a probability sample of U.S. households to analyze smokers’ perceptions of their relative risk of experiencing a myocardial infarction (heart attack) and cancer in a nationally representative survey. Doctors Ayanian (Brigham and Women’s Hospital, Department of Medicine) and Cleary (Harvard Medical School, Boston, Mass. Conducted the survey. There were 3,031 adults aged 25 through 72 years, including 737 current smokers (24.3%) that took part in this survey.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The eligible people had to fill out a subsequent written questionnaire and a telephone interview. There were 3,487 eligible people but only 3,031 participated (70%) in the survey. The people surveyed had no history of myocardial infarction (heart attack) (96.2%) or cancer (92.9%).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The participants were asked if they are a regular smoker; and if they are, what is the largest amount consumed by them ever in one day. The people with no history of heart attached (myocardial infarction) or cancer were asked, â€Å" ‘ Do you think your risk of heart attack (or cancer) is higher, lower or about the same as other (men/women) your age?’ â€Å"   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Of the 3,031 participants, 737 (24.3%) were current smokers and 868 (28.6%) were former smokers. The current smokers were younger and had a higher number of women than the former smoker group. This was the same with the men in the current smoker group, they were younger and had a higher number of men than the former smoker group.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The people who smoked in the survey were less likely to be married. They were also less likely to have graduated from high school than former smokers or non-smokers. The current smokers did not attend a regular check up with a doctor despite being in worse mental and physical health than a regular person. They also said that they had less control over their lives and less satisfaction with life than former smokers or non-smokers.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Among the current smokers, the findings concluded that less than half of them felt that they were at an increased personal risk of heart disease (29%) or cancer (40%).

Wednesday, January 15, 2020

Gun Control Research Paper

Guns In The United States In today’s society of political turmoil, violence, and economic tragedies, many gun control advocates are pushing for more gun regulations from the government. Guns have been a part of America’s way of life for centuries. However, it was not until the 20th century that the government enacted it’s first gun control act. The National Firearms Act was enacted in 1934, as stated in â€Å"Firearm Laws, Regulations, and Ordinances,† edited by Sandra Alters, in response to the increased criminal and gangster activity as a result of prohibition (19).This act aimed to make it more difficult to acquire specific firearms by establishing a $200 tax on firearms (Alters, ed. 19). In 1968, the Gun Control Act was passed and amended the National Firearms Act of 1934 to include a wider range of firearms. This act was passed in the wake of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. The act required firearm dealers to be federally licensed, restricted interstate sales of firearms, and forbid the sale of firearms to minors or criminals (Alters, ed. 19).The passage of the Gun Control Act of 1968 was criticized, however. The main criticism involving the Gun Control Act of 1968 was that the act penalized law-abiding citizens and rewarded criminals (Alters, ed. 20). In 1986, the Firearms Owners’ Protection Act greatly amended the Gun Control Act of 1968 in an attempt to address the various criticisms and concerns linked to the act. There have been various gun control regulations enacted since 1986; however, the enactment of the Firearms Owners’ Protection Act is one of the largest regulations ever put into place.Much of the controversy over gun control laws now and then involves the second amendment to the constitution. Today, lawmakers face much pressure from gun control advocates, as well as anti-gun control advocates regarding gun laws. However, putting more regulations on guns is no t going to change the way that people use them, which many gun control advocates believe to be true. There should be no further government gun control in America because additional gun control will not lower violence and it is not financially feasible to enforce additional gun control laws.The most significant federal gun control act today is the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act of 1993, as discussed in James Jacobs and Kimberly Potter’s article â€Å"Keeping guns out of the ‘wrong' hands: the Brady law and the limits of regulation. † This act requires federal firearm licensees to run background checks on gun sale purchases, and also created a federal database for federal firearm licensee’s access to The National Instant Criminal Background Check System (Jacobs and Potter). A 5-day waiting period for the purchase of a gun was also introduced.The National Instant Criminal Background Check System is to provide access to names of those persons not allowe d to purchase a gun (Jacobs and Potter). The aim of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act was to prevent criminals, or ineligible persons from purchasing guns. The Brady Act expanded the definition of an ineligible person to include: illegal drug users and addicts, former mental patients, illegal aliens and persons dishonorably discharged from the armed forces (James and Potter). This act, along with the other regulations discussed, form the current federal gun control laws.One central view of gun control advocates in support of additional gun control is the belief that banning guns would lower violence in America. Stephen E. Wright, writer of â€Å"From the Bluff,† claims that the main focus of anti-gun groups is on gun ownership (par. 2). Anti-gun groups claim that if citizens did not own guns, fewer crimes would be committed. Although taking away guns appears to be a good plan to reduce crime, it is not a realistic one. Banning gun ownership could have an effect simila r to the Prohibition Act of 1920.In 1920, the American government put a ban on all alcohol in the United States. One of the central ideas behind the Prohibition Act was to create a safer America for its citizens. The Prohibition Act did not make for a safer America; however, the effect of the Prohibition act was the development of widespread organized crime, resulting in a increase in the number of criminals. Jeff Hill, writer of â€Å"Defining Moment Prohibition,† explains, widespread disregard for the prohibition act resulted in corruption of government officials, police forces and law enforcement (75).Government statistics show that crime actually rose during the prohibition years, contrary to what the government believed would occur (Hill, 76). The banning of guns could have the same effect as the Prohibition of alcohol. Prohibiting guns could create more widespread organized crime and an increased number of criminals, as it would be a criminal act to purchase or own a gu n. While the idea that fewer guns would lead to less violence in America seems reasonable, when the effects of the Prohibition Act of 1920 are considered, it is seen that the prohibition of guns may have very negative consequences.Another common belief of gun control advocates is that increased purchasing regulations will help prevent gun violence. The general current regulation system for purchasing guns consists of a simple background check, usually on the first purchase of a gun, with a 5-day waiting period. In the Opposing Viewpoint article â€Å"An updated Background Check System Will Help Prevent Gun Violence,† the editor explains that the current background check system needs to be fixed (par. 11). The various loopholes in the current background system are a main focus of the gun control advocates.To fix the various loopholes, gun control advocates believe the government should gather everyone’s name that should be prohibited from buying a gun and put him or her in the system for tracking and they should require a background check for every single gun sale, not just on the first purchase (An Updated Background). The Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act fixed these issues presented through the National Instant Criminal Background System Check (Jacobs and Potter). Gun control advocates viewed the Brady Act as a positive step towards lowering violence in America.However, the act has not reduced gun violence like gun control advocates believed would occur. The view that the Brady Act was a simple solution to the gun violence problem is not only false, but also creates great expense for the government. The problem related to gun violence is not the current background check system; instead the problem lies in the use of illegal guns. Amy Roberts, writer of By the Numbers: Guns in America, explains that each year an estimated 40 percent of all guns purchased in America are through unlicensed, private sellers (Roberts).Thousands of gun shows are held each year in America; it is at these gun shows where thousands of guns are bought and sold illegally each year. Most gun vendors at these shows do not require any background check. Many gun control advocates feel that many of the murders and shootings in America would not have happened if a background check was ran on the individual purchasing the gun. When a gun is bought illegally, there is no background check. The seller has no way of knowing if the buyer is a criminal. An example of the violence related to the use of illegal guns is he Columbine High School shooting in Colorado. The Columbine killers were able to purchase guns illegally at a gun show from an unlicensed seller, who required no personal information before selling the guns (An Updated Background). This example shows how easily one can obtain a gun illegally; no increased purchasing regulation would have stopped the Columbine killers from purchasing guns. Increasing purchasing regulations will not stop a crimin al from getting a gun. Obtaining a gun illegally is so easy that a criminal wouldn’t even think to go through a registered firearms dealer.Gun control advocates’ views on gun control laws and the prevention of violence only lead to increased spending by the federal government. The federal deficit today is around 16 trillion dollars and growing. The view of the Brady Act as a simple solution to the gun violence problem has been proven not to be true, as mentioned earlier. The Brady Act presents various loopholes through which greater enforcement could prevent. One loophole presented by the Brady Act is the federal licensing system (Jacobs and Potter). Practically anyone can become federally licensed by paying a small fee and submitting required information.There is also no way to determine if an applicant has lied upon submission of their information for federal licensing. Inspections are rarely conducted upon the federal firearm licensees to ensure cooperation regardin g the Brady Act (Jacobs and Potter). The federal government could increase regulation regarding the federal licensing system to ensure proper Brady Act enforcement, but this requires increased spending. Greater information requirements and increased inspections would require increased data processing and hiring of federal inspectors, both requiring greater spending.The introduction of new gun control acts would require even greater spending than required through greater enforcement of the Brady Act, which is already in place. The recession has placed an enormous strain on federal funds. Increased enforcement of gun regulations is not seen as the greatest need at this time for government spending. There should be no further government gun control in America because additional gun control will not lower violence and it is not financially feasible to enforce additional gun control laws.The main arguments in support of additional gun control are: banning guns would lower violence and in creased purchase regulations would help prevent gun violence; however, these arguments are insufficient. There are potentially negative effects regarding the banning of guns, compared to the Prohibition era. Also, the increased purchasing regulations do not fix the problem of violence related to gun control because of the illegal or â€Å"black† gun market. Greater enforcement of the increased purchasing regulations could curb the use of current loopholes.However, greater enforcement leads to greater spending by the federal government. Greater enforcement also does not deal with the â€Å"black† market for guns. In the current state of the economy it is important that the government focus on decreased spending or spending to pull the United States out of the recession. Focusing on increased gun control is not of any benefit to the economy. Increased government spending through greater enforcement of increased gun control laws is not necessary to lower violence, instead focus should be shifted to alternative ways for reducing violence in the United States.By focusing on informing people on gun safety and gun laws, a new path may be made for the younger generation. Works Cited â€Å"An Updated Background Check System Will Help Prevent Gun Violence. †Ã‚  Guns and Crime. Ed. Christine Watkins. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2012. At Issue. Rpt. from â€Å"A Plan to Prevent Future Tragedies. †Ã‚  MayorsAgainstIllegalGuns. org. 2011. Gale Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 1 Nov. 2012. â€Å"Firearm Laws, Regulations, and Ordinances. †Ã‚  Gun Control:  Restricting Rights or Protecting People?. Sandra M. Alters. 2009 ed.Detroit: Gale, 2009. 19-39. Information Plus Reference Series. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 29 Nov. 2012. Hill, Jeff. Defining Moment Prohibiton. Detroit MI: Omnigraphics, n. d. Print. Jacobs, James B. , and Kimberly A. Potter. â€Å"Keeping guns out of the ‘wrong' hands: the Brady law and the limits o f regulation. †Ã‚  Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology  Fall 1995: 93-120. Academic OneFile. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. Kates, Don B. , Jr. â€Å"GUN CONTROL: A REALISTIC ASSESSMENT. †Ã‚  Gun Control: A Realistic Assessment. N. p. , 1990. Web. 01 Nov. 2012. lt;http://www. catb. org/esr/guns/gun-control. html>. Roberts, Amy. â€Å"By the Numbers: Guns in America – CNN. com. †Ã‚  CNN. Cable News Network, 01 Jan. 1970. Web. 02 Nov. 2012. . Wright, Stephen E. â€Å"Gun Control Laws Will Not Save Lives. †Ã‚  Guns and Crime. Ed. Christine Watkins. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2012. At Issue. Rpt. from â€Å"Anti-Gun Group Common Sense Gun Laws and Real Common Sense. † StephenE Wright. com. 2010. Gale Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 1 Nov. 2012

Tuesday, January 7, 2020

How to Pronounce Vowels in Italian

Italian pronunciation might pose some difficulties for the beginner. Yet it is very regular, and once the rules are understood, it is easy to pronounce each word correctly. Italian vowels (le vocali) are short, clear-cut, and are never drawn out. The glide, with which English vowels frequently end, should be avoided. Finally, it should be noted that the vowels a, i, and u, are always pronounced the same way. E and o, on the other hand, have an open and a closed sound that may vary from. How to Pronounce Vowels A—sounds like a in fatherE—has two sounds: short vowel like e in pen; long vowel, similar to ai in fairI—sounds like ea in tea or i in marineO—has two sounds: like o in cozy or similar to o in costU—sounds like u in rude Tips: Italian vowels are always articulated in a sharp, clear fashion, regardless of stress. They are never slurred or pronounced weakly.Vowels (a,e,i,o,u) always retain their value in diphthongs.Italian is a phonetic language, which means that it is spoken the way it is written. Italian and English share the Latin alphabet, but the sounds represented by the letters often differ considerably in the two languages.    Examples of Vowels a is like a in the English word ah! Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. casa  houseantipasto  appetizerama  lovesbanana  bananasala  hallPapa  Popefama  famepasta  pasta; dough; pastry e is sometimes like e in the English word they (without the final i glide). Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. e  andbeve  drinksme  mefede  faithvede  seesmele  applessete  thirstpepe  pepper e is sometimes like e in the word met. This is the open e. Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. à ¨Ã‚  islento  slowbene  wellfesta  party; holidaysedia  chairpresto  soonvento  windtà ¨Ã‚  tea i is like i in machine. Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. libri  booksbimbi  childrenvini  winesviolini  violinstini  vatspini  pines o is sometimes like o in the English word oh!. Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. o  ordono  giftnome  namesolo  aloneposto  placetondo  roundvolo  flightmondo  world o is sometimes like o in or. This is the open o. Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. moda  fashiontoga  togano  nooro  goldposta  mailbrodo  brothcosa  thingtrono  thronerosa  roseolio  oil u is like u in rule. Here are some examples in Italian with an English translation. luna  moonfungo  mushroomuno  onelungo  longfuga  fuguemulo  muleuso  usetubo  tube

Monday, December 30, 2019

Differences And Similarities Between Ancient Greece And Rome

There are lots of similarities and also differences between Ancient Greeks and Romans, some of the similarities are their government and their arts and literature. Their first similarity is in their government. In Greece, Pericles was an important figure in Athenian politics between 461 B.C. And 429 B.C., during this time Athens expanded its empire abroad while democracy grew at home. The period of classical Athenian and Greek history was called the Age of Pericles. Pericles created a direct democracy, which is a system of government in which the people participate directly in government decision making through mass meetings, in this system all male citizens participated. They all voted on every major issue. The Romans had their own†¦show more content†¦They took on their statues and placed them in public buildings and their home. The Romans made reproductions of Greek statues when the supply of original works of art ran low. Roman sculptures were more realistic than their G reek partners. The high point of Latin literature was during the Age of Augustus. The most distinguished poet was Virgil, he wrote his masterpiece Aenied in Romes honor. Roman architecture was also similar to the Greeks but they excelled in architecture. The Romans continued to use similar Greek styles but also used curved arches, vaults, and domes. The Romans and the Greeks had some differences too, for example, their trade was different. In Greece trade was a central part of their culture, because Greek colonies began to spread they sent their pottery, wine, and olive oil. When they sent these resources they got in return grains, metals, fish, timber, wheat, metals and slaves. Because of the trading industry their people became very wealthy in many of the city-states. In Athens their economy was largely based on trade and farming. They grew grains, vegetables, and fruit. Their trade was mainly based on what they grew there, grapes and olive trees were cultivated for wine and olive oil. These were used for local use and export. Even though farming was a central part of Athenian life they lacked fertile land, because of this they had to import 50 to 80 percent of their grain. RomeShow MoreRelatedsimilarities and differences between greece and ancient rome educational sytems2560 Words   |  11 Pagesnot getting the grades brings fear and insecurity, leaving him to scurry anxiously back down the stairs to relative safety and security. With the above point in mind let us continue our focus on Rogers’ principles and explore where there are similarities in approach. ‘Those learnings which are threatening to the self are more easily perceived and assimilated when external threats are at a minimum’ (Rogers’ fourth principle,1969). Conversely when external threats are present, learning stops andRead MoreThe Religious And Social Differences Between Ancient Greece And Rome Essay1423 Words   |  6 PagesThe Religious and Social Differences between Ancient Greece and Rome In modern day, everyone tends to think of the Roman gods when they think of Greece, or when they think of the ancient gods in general. Juno versus Hera, Jupiter versus Zeus, and Mars versus Ares are some examples of their different and separate deities; not just their names, but their personalities as well. There are many differences between the two religions, as well as differences between each culture’s social standings. NotRead MoreSimilarities And Differences Between Greece And Rome1457 Words   |  6 Pagespoints when bringing up similarities and differences between Greece and Rome. The two vocal points I feel strongly about are both their military and leadership. 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In scrutinizing the trajectory of modern historyRead MoreGreek And Roman Civilizations : Greece And Ancient Civilizations1498 Words   |  6 Pages Greek and Roman Civilizations In examining the impact that the ancient world has had on modern Western civilization, the two ancient civilizations which are frequently understood as having had the greatest influence are Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. These two civilizations would eventually come to shape much of what would become the modern European culture, politics and society, and by extension, a vast proportion of global culture and society. In examining the trajectory of modern historyRead MoreEssay Greek and Roman Governments772 Words   |  4 Pagesdifferent. Both have had tremendous influences on governments in our modern world. Rome was a republic where the leaders were chosen through voting, while Greece practiced a more direct democracy in which the citizens participated in the crucial decision-making within the government. This paper will attempt to diagnose the fundamental similarities of each government coupled with the not so obvious differences. Based on the evidence from each type of go vernment, it is clear that each were similarRead MoreThe Great Differences Between Ancient Greece And Rome And Modern Life1200 Words   |  5 Pagesthan many of the ancient societies that we have studied? No doubt there are great differences between ancient Greece and Rome and modern life in the US. But the needs of people to live well, create a social structure and advance as a people are all things that we share. Furthermore, the human emotions that drive discoveries and advancements have been consistent throughout time. Let’s take a look at ancient Greece and Rome and see how much we have in common. Let’s start with Greece†¦. †¢ Democracy oRead MoreSimilarities Greeks and Romans Essay896 Words   |  4 Pagescultures | Similarities and differences between Greece and Rome. | Essay. | | Zack Skone | 4/18/2013 | This document is about the similarities and differences between Ancient Greece and Rome. | Comparisons and differences between the Ancient Greeks and Romans The Ancient Greeks and Romans both began their histories as city-states. While the coastline and the mountainous terrain of the Greek peninsula isolated the various Greek cities from one another, the city of Rome was locatedRead MoreGreek And Roman Comparisons And Contributions1698 Words   |  7 PagesContributions Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome are responsible for many facets in today’s world. In fact, when reviewing history, the Greeks and Romans are sometimes confused with one another. There are many shared traditions, but yet there are many differences between the two. 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Sunday, December 22, 2019

Individual Rhetorical Analysis Of The Selected Readings

Individual rhetorical analysis of the selected readings by Olaudah Equiano, Harriet Jacobs, Frederick Douglass, and Harriet Beecher Stowe are necessary to arrive at a collective analysis of the most effective strategies. Olaudah Equiano’s â€Å"The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavas Vassa, the African† was first published in 1789 in London, England (687). Equiano’s narrative is informative; however, it is critical of the treatment of slaves and persuasive in its appeals to end the brutal treatment of African Americans. His intended audience was his friends and the public. Regarding the purpose of his narrative, Equiano wrote in Chapter I, â€Å"If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous friends †¦ or in the smallest degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained† (688). His narrative also offered a first-hand (first-person narrative) account of slavery and shared the story of his journey towards freedom. Equiano’s narrative is in chronological order after a brief introduction in Chapter I, which explained his purpose for writing his story along with providing background inf ormation on his childhood and the culture of his birthplace in Essaka, Africa. 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Miller s Engl 112 Dual Enrollment College1577 Words   |  7 Pageswriting for both the social sciences and the humanities, and a very challenging multi-genre project on a topic of our choice. Mrs. Miller encouraged us to strengthen our research skills through the use of annotated bibliographies developed from using readings from our textbook (Graff 2008), and online research databases available through the Germanna Community College Library website, including Opposing Views in Context. I also used Academic Search Complete and a variety of sources from the Gale PublishingRead MoreMetaphor Criticism : A Black Man And The Vehicle Is The Top934 Words   |  4 PagesMetaphor criticism would be my rhetorical method of choose. I selected metaphor criticism after reading the prompt above and saw an abundance of metaphors such as â€Å"stunning glimpse†, â€Å"dizzying height† and â€Å"journey to the top† just to name a few. A metaphor within the paragraph that stood out is â€Å"journey to top.† The tenor would be â€Å"journey† and the vehicle is the â€Å"top† I thought metaphorical about each leg of the Arch from a historical perspective. As a black man, the racial history that my peopleRead MoreSummary : Professional Accomplishments Essay1637 Words   |  7 Pagesissues of writing, reading and even reading aloud. At the same time, I took into consideration traditional semantic fields in literature that express the theme of negating. When it comes to the negation applied to the area of performativity, I was concerned with disappearing subjectivity of the individual in the relationship to literature, taking place during two constitutive for literature processes: creative and receiving, namely – let us repeat – at the time of reading (or listening to) andRead MoreThe Analytical Strategy And Its Appraisal846 Words   |  4 Pageshave used narrative and rhetorical analysis for the transcripts. 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It gives out great forms of communications and news. It is a great way to keep up with the world, friends and, networking. Though, the bad outweighs the good. I have gathered references that explore how body images being portrayed in socialRead MoreSyllabus Designing - Review of Literature5836 Words   |  24 Pagescharacteristics: ESP may be, but is not necessarily: restricted as to the language skills to be learned (e.g. reading only, etc.) taught according to any pre-ordained methodology (i.e. ESP is not restricted to any particular methodology – although communication methodology is very often felt to be most appropriate). Munby (1978, 1996) defined ESP in relation to ESP courses based on the analysis of the students’ language needs. His definition of ESP is still current as follows: â€Å"ESP courses areRead MoreRevision Of The Writing Process2499 Words   |  10 Pagesbe â€Å"theoretically dry and uninteresting† citing it as â€Å"Aristotle’s Rhetoric†(125)—which is illustrated as triangle connecting three rhetorical concepts â€Å"Ethos† referring to the credibility of the author through how they would present themselves in their writing, â€Å"Pathos† which creates an audience within context of what the writer is writing for and who would be reading this piece and finally â€Å"Logos†(126) the thesis-based overall message or topic. By appealing to either of these concepts throughout

Saturday, December 14, 2019

Appeal Free Essays

Dear Michael McCawley, My name is {} and I am writing this appeal in accordance to the cancellation of my admission at University of California Santa Cruz. I was informed that the reason for such cancellation was due to the failing grade I received in my Health 11 college class, which I retook during my second semester of senior year. My performance in this class and even in my senior year of high school was not a case of the so called â€Å"senioritis† but fell due to a downturn in my family’s economic stability. We will write a custom essay sample on Appeal or any similar topic only for you Order Now I took a job at my local McDonalds in hopes of earning money to pay for my books or anything I would need to spend on while in college. That use of my work would not turn out as I thought; my father was laid off his job and, being an immigrant, has not been able to find a job to this day. My mother, as well an immigrant, was able to receive welfare but not enough to pay for all bills, rent, and at times food, for my siblings and I. This is when I began working as much as I could because it was either earn what I did before and let my family starve with no roof, or step up and help pay bills and buy groceries. I would ask my manager to allow me to work my full eight hours a day and giving me weekends as well. I needed to do this in order to help support my family. This hectic work schedule along with my high achieving school schedule would clash. The tiresome rigor and loss of energy at work would lead me to miss assignments in my regular classes as well as my college classes. Despite that I was still able to graduate as third in my class with high honors and become master of ceremonies for my graduation. In my other college class I was able to earn a grade of an A because it was focused on class work and finals, whereas my health class was centralized on homework assignments, so even if I did well on test, which I did, I still did not have a high enough percentage to pass the class because my time was taken up to work for my family. I believe that it would not be fair to judge a student’s efficacy by one class that they failed while they have excelled in all other areas, especially for a circumstance that could not be helped. I took the initiative to attempt to make up the grade from my junior year but due to the circumstance I have explained could not do it. Even so this does not show all I can do. During this summer I also took the initiative to enroll in classes at University of California Los Angeles where I did very well receiving a grade of a B in each class, unfortunately due to a lack of financial aid I was not able to make these grades official. This is my true reflection of how well I could do at a UC campus and shows that by reinstating me it would not be lowering the standards of UCSC but a second chance for me to prove that I belong at this school. I know I will excel because I will have no financial distractions because I will be receiving financial aid and will be able to focus on my studies especially with the learning environment that UCSC offers. I hope you take my appeal strongly into consideration for reinstatement. Thank you for your time and I hope to hear from you soon. Thank you, How to cite Appeal, Essay examples

Friday, December 6, 2019

Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria free essay sample

This development was heralded as an avenue to usher in democratic stability and good governance. However, contrary to widespread expectations, the post-military regime became an avenue for the explosion of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. As a matter of fact, since the emergence of democracy in May 1999, not less than one hundred ethnically and religiously instigated conflicts have occurred in Nigeria which resulted in loss of lives and unquantifiable material and psychological damage. Drawing from documentary research and findings, this paper probes the persistent spate of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria and its harmful implications on democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It investigates the history, causes and manifestations of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria and maintains that unbridled lust for power, corruption, religious intolerance and the failure of the government to deliver democratic dividends, have resulted in these conflicts between ethnic and religious groups in the country. In the light of all these then, can democracy thrive in an atmosphere of crises? Can Nigeria come out of ethno-religious conflicts? If so, what steps can the government take to rein in the menace of these crises? Finally, the paper provides submissions for curbing this social epidemic, which has become a permanent feature of the Nigerian social polity. Keywords: Nigeria, Ethno-religious, Crises, Democracy, Development Introduction Democracy could be said to be a seed: when you sow bountifully, you reap bountifully. Thus, one of the dividends of democracy, which Nigerians have reaped in abundance since the transfer of power from the military to the civilians on May 29, 1999, is the rising wave of ethno-religious conflicts with devastating and untold consequences on lives and property (Jega, 2007: 116). Nigeria is a very populous nation in Africa with diverse cultural heritage. In fact, the country has a population of over 140 million and over 400 ethnic groups belonging to different religious sects as well (Salawu, 2010: 345). Since the attainment of independence, Nigeria has remained a multi-ethnic nation, which has been grappling with the problem of ethnicity on the one hand and that of ethno-religious conflicts on the other hand. At the inception of independence, for administrative expediency the various ethnic factions were fused and merged together by the colonialists. Then, the colonial masters left and things started falling apart, the center no longer held. No ethnic group desired to see the other. Little wonder then that the former Secretary of State at the British Colonial Office (1952-1959), Sir Peter Smitters regretted the action taken by the British to merge diverse ethnic groups into one in Nigeria. According to Ali (2004) cited in Adebayo (2010: 214), he was reported to have lamented that it was extremely dangerous to force diverse radical and social entities into single rigid political structure. However, that statement was medicine after death; the deed had been done. Indeed, a conglomerate of almost four hundred ethnic groups, each having its distinct history, language, culture and political systems before the colonial rule, all preserved in mitigated forms with the British system of governance super-imposed and named Nigeria really had future implications for unity. The colonial administration, for administrative convenience, compressed and merged the various ethnic groups in their respective regions, making Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba the major ethnic groups and reinforced the three political/administrative divisions – the north, the east, and the west, under appropriate constitutional arrangement. At independence and post independence era, the status-quo of the colonial era was retained under that infantile freedom, with every group retaining its tradition, language, and culture while sharing the common central institutions in a federal arrangement (Adebayo, 2010: 214). As a result, these major ethnic groups, because of their opportunistic positions were seen as consistently dominating the political and economic scene before and after the attainment of independence in 1960 and this led to agitations for state creation by the other â€Å"minor† ethnic groups who saw themselves as the marginalized groups. However, the more states were created, the more the complaints of marginalization and inequality by the new minorities against the new majorities in each state (Abdullahi and Saka, 2007). Consequently, the proliferation of ethno-religious and political turbulence in the country is therefore necessitated on the one hand by cultural, communal and religious differences and on the other hand by fear of domination nursed by the minority groups. As if what constitutes the federalism is not satisfied, there have been agitations for reversing back to the old regional autonomy of the different groups for the purpose of determining the pace of their development and control of their respective resources. These pernicious phenomena of ethnicity and religious intolerance led to the incessant surge of ethno-religious conflicts, which gave birth to the many ethnic militias today like the O’dua People’s Congress (OPC) put in place by the Yoruba in the south-western part of the country to fight for the protection and defence of Yoruba in Nigeria; the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), fighting for the cessation of the Igbo ethnic tribe in Nigeria; the Bakassi Boys; the Egbesu Boys; the Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), the Igbo Peoples’ congress (IPC); the Arewa People’ Congress (APC) and the Ohaneze Ndigbo among others. This might probably be the feeling of Elaigwu (2005: 12) when he writes †¦the violent protests in the Niger-Delta over perceived injustice in resource distribution; the Itsekiri-Ijaw violence in the Delta; the resumption of the Ife-Modakeke communal violence; the menace of Odu’a Peoples’ Congress (OPC) and the accompanying violence in Lagos and Shagamu areas; the formation of the Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) and the Igbo Peoples’ Congress (IPC); the MASSOB feeble attempt to resuscitate Biafra; the Sharia crisis and the demands for a confederation; the South-South demand for the control of its resources; and all the recent interethnic/religious conflicts in various states across the country are all part of the bubbles of the Nigerian federation. They are based on the historical structures of mutual fears and suspicions among Nigerian groups in a competitive process. They reflect dissatisfaction of Nigerian groups with the state of the federation. With the emergence of all these ethnic militias and the deep divide between the various ethnic groups, religious intolerance became more violent and bloody with more devastating results using the ethnic militias as the executing platforms of ethno-religious agenda. Federalism thought to be an approach to national unity, resulted to anarchy in the country. A number of steps were taken to at least mend the disunity and disarray prevalent then and promote unity among the various ethnic groups. These included the establishment of federal institutions in some states of the federation, promotion of national cultural and sporting activities, and, more significantly, the National Youth Service Programme (NYSC), just to mention a few (Adebayo, 2010). Although these steps yielded pockets of successes in achieving national unity, the â€Å"unholy† marriage of convenience of the ethnic groups still begs for irrevocable divorce. While the ethnic rivalry held sway, religious pluralism, which culminated in many crises, shook the country to its very roots. The pernicious effect of this trend is not entirely surprising given the fact that religion is so sensitive to Nigerians that many are not only ready to defend it at all costs, but are ready to die for it. Hence, religious pluralism which resulted in religious intolerance was fused with ethnic rivalry, producing the recurrent spate of ethno-religious crises. And because of the violent nature of ethno-religious conflicts, which often take the form of riots, sabotage, assassinations, lynching and maiming, kidnappings, armed struggles, guerilla warfare and secession in Nigeria, they undoubtedly pose dangerous threats to democracy in Nigeria and Africa as a whole. Yes, as Jega (2007: 116) truthfully stated, the genetically engineered seeds of democracy planted by our colonial masters and further successive military regimes have grown to mature crops for harvest. Instead of democracy yielding peace, stability and security to lives and property, it seems to have yielded a return, full circle spate of ethno-religious conflicts and violent eruptions. Thus, the discussion of ethno-religious conflicts in whatever context becomes all the more necessary given the fact that there is a phenomenal recurrence of these conflicts around the nation thereby increasing its threat level to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper attempts to probe the history, manifestations and implications of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria since the dawn of democratic dispensation. Causes of Ethno-Religious Crises in Nigeria According to Awolowo (1990: 35), the notion of Nigeria as â€Å"a mere geographic expression† was engendered by the forceful packaging by colonial authoritarian fiat of unwilling communities of diverse origin and culture under the same polity. Consequently, relations and political behavior of the peoples are characterized by mutual suspicion and invidious hatred since they are strange bed-fellows, who were only coerced into the nation-state via amalgamation. Until 1960, Nigeria was a British colony. Like most colonies, it was not constructed for internal coherence, but rather for the administrative convenience of the British (Shively, 1997: 39). Over 400 different languages and dialects are spoken within its borders, and there is also an important religious split, as the north is primarily Muslim and the south is predominantly Christian, making her not only at ethno-religious crossroads but also at linguistic crossroads. As diverse as these ethnic groups are, they are also not accommodative of each other’s religion and professions of faith. This state of intolerance has added up to fuel the spate of crises in Nigeria. It should be noted that religion has always been the platform for frontal expressions of ethnic aggressions and conflict. Hence, ethnocentric politics, sectional solidarity and primordial interests became prominent features in the nation’s political practice. Sectional and individual virtues and interest rather than collective virtues and national unity are advanced and exalted. Thus, communal orientation precluded any attachment to the state and the syndrome of the ‘son of the soil’ took preference over merit and competence in the choice of policies and leaders. Although as Obasanjo and Mabogunje (1992: 4) aptly observed, colonialism provided scaffolding of holding the different communities together, not much change was achieved in altering communal mentality and predilection. Nonetheless, the persistent military incursion into government and politics did much harm for the body polity as national issues was mostly tribalized and primordial virtues extolled. These regimes had primordial outlook and sub-national mentality under which the northern part of the country was favoured brazenly, on one hand, and the southern part was deliberately dealt with in terms of appointments, contracts, location of government establishments, political oppression and repression as well as provision of social services and infrastructures. As a result, ethnic sectarianism has left a trail of destructive violence and even threatened the territorial integrity of Nigeria (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2001). Indeed, after long years of authoritarian rule, when the military clique and their civilian collaborators privatized the Nigerian state (Ukiwo, 2003), politicians in the emergent Fourth Republic were all too anxious to claim control of the state and its oil wealth as well. This thus led to an unbridled competition for political relevance and spheres of interests among politicians, especially in the context of the division of the country into geopolitical zones, states and local governments and the fact that distribution of benefits among the political class depended on the ability of each member of the ruling class to deliver his constituency. This lust for power has led to the neglect of the needs of the masses and the demand for peaceful co-existence. Instead, the rulers continue to enrich their pockets through corrupt dirty means and seek for elongation of tenures for selfish gains. In the circumstance, ethnicity, religion and other sectarian identities are exploited, resulting in avoidable violent conflicts among component units of the country. The persistence of mass poverty and increasing income inequality, largely as a result of the transformation of the fortunes of politicians and their allies from jobless neighbors to emergency billionaires in less than two years after capturing power, have deepened popular alienation. It has also called into question the legitimacy since 1999. Consequently, some of the easiest things to do in contemporary Nigeria are to mobilize an assassin, vigilante, ethnic-cum-religious militia, rioter, crowd or rented pro-government demonstrator. The result could only be imagined. The power lust of the political cliche is one of the perceived causes of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria. Another reason responsible for ethno-religious crises in Nigeria is the wrong interpretation by those who claim authority to the understanding of the holy books. If not so, one wonders why people act contrary to the teaching of the holy books (whether the Quran or the Bible) in matters pertaining to peaceful co-existence, unity and sanctity of life, and property. As it is a serious disease for someone who does not have a full grasp of the interpretation of any of the holy books to claim authority to knowledge, many of the so called ‘religious leaders’ use their shallow knowledge to put up interpretations to suit their selfish ends banking on the ignorance of their followers. Lamenting on the wide gap between the teaching and practice of religion among its adherents, Adebayo (2003) cited in Adebayo (2010: 219) identified some factors responsible for using religion as instrument of polarization, among which is leadership tussle, which also culminated in the proliferation of many denominations in the country. Also, sectarian jingoism, as well as excessive patriotism to one’s religious sect, which consequently transformed to fanaticism, is another major factor contributing to this social menace. Salawu (2010) also noted that the failure of the Nigerian leaders to establish good governments, forge national integration and promote what can be called real economic progress, through deliberate and articulated policies, has led to mass poverty and unemployment. This has resulted into communal, ethnic, religious and class conflicts that have now characterized the Nigerian nation. Poverty and unemployment have therefore served as nursery bed for many ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria because the country now has a reservoir of poor people who warmongers as mercenary fighters. What this means theoretically is that poverty and unemployment increase the number of people who are prepared to kill or be killed for a given course at token benefit. This explains why all ethno-religious crises that ever occurred in Nigeria have a large turnout of people (including the under-aged) as fighters. Lastly and very importantly, and not the least, the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria also have some historical antecedent (Salawu, 2010). This is because many governmental actions during the colonial rule and after independence encouraged, to a large extent, the sowing of the seeds of ethno-religious conflicts that are found to be rampant in the Nigerian nation today. Over the years, many events in Nigeria have led to the politicization of mistrust, intolerance, violence and acrimonious relations between the mainly Moslem north and the Christian south of Nigeria. To this extent, there has been an unfortunate insertion of ethno-religious discrimination and incompatibility in the structures of the Nigerian State since the colonial period. The political events of the January 15, 1966 coup and the July 1966 counter-coup further entrenched ethno-religious configuration in Nigeria. This is because the killings and counter-killing that followed the coups which took ethnic and religious colorations as the Muslim dominated tribes in the north were set against the Christian-dominated tribes of the southern region.